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You are here: start » Cyprus Movements Archive » digital » Unsigned, Unknown or not Otherwise Archived Material. » On a Society Increasingly Turning Fascistic: The Exploitation of the Pandemic by the Republic of Cyprus (Delirium) (Online Article)
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en:digital:unclassified:covid19_roc1 [2021/08/13 09:54]
no_name12 		en:digital:unclassified:covid19_roc1 [2022/11/29 10:33] (current)
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 The authoritarianism and incompetence of the Republic of Cyprus in relation to the pandemic has been discussed in the article of sociologist Gregoris Ioannou [5], which remains the most notable text written so far. We can note here that beyond the unconstitutional abolition of fundamental rights and the lack of any decisions for the improvement of the public health system prior to the arrival of the virus in Cyprus, the enforcement of the decrees has further intensified the militarization of the Greek Cypriot polity - a process that has been accelerated in the last few years through military patrols in the walled city of Nicosia [25], the incorporation of citizens in the National Guard under the status of waged soldiers [26] and the permanent presence of armed non-commissioned officers at the airports [25]. With the pandemic, however, militarization has reached new levels - not merely through the employment of soldiers for the repression of protests, but also through the general utilization of the army in the enforcement of the decree relating to the restriction on the free movement of citizens [27], with the army now assigned a supporting role in the policing of the state’s own citizens. Beyond the usual ‘noise’ on facebook, reactions have been in general non-existent, with the first, miserable march of the ‘chemtards’ in Limasol remaining the only example of some form of political reaction to the measures employed - a reaction that was founded on conspiracy theories, nationalist rhetoric and Christian dogmatism, rather than on the general incompetence of the state in managing the pandemic. The authoritarianism and incompetence of the Republic of Cyprus in relation to the pandemic has been discussed in the article of sociologist Gregoris Ioannou [5], which remains the most notable text written so far. We can note here that beyond the unconstitutional abolition of fundamental rights and the lack of any decisions for the improvement of the public health system prior to the arrival of the virus in Cyprus, the enforcement of the decrees has further intensified the militarization of the Greek Cypriot polity - a process that has been accelerated in the last few years through military patrols in the walled city of Nicosia [25], the incorporation of citizens in the National Guard under the status of waged soldiers [26] and the permanent presence of armed non-commissioned officers at the airports [25]. With the pandemic, however, militarization has reached new levels - not merely through the employment of soldiers for the repression of protests, but also through the general utilization of the army in the enforcement of the decree relating to the restriction on the free movement of citizens [27], with the army now assigned a supporting role in the policing of the state’s own citizens. Beyond the usual ‘noise’ on facebook, reactions have been in general non-existent, with the first, miserable march of the ‘chemtards’ in Limasol remaining the only example of some form of political reaction to the measures employed - a reaction that was founded on conspiracy theories, nationalist rhetoric and Christian dogmatism, rather than on the general incompetence of the state in managing the pandemic.
  
-With the retraction of the lock-down at the end of May, the government declared scabies as a dangerous infectious disease, with the aim of continuing the enclosure of Pournara [29], locking migrants and refugees inside an unhealthy, overloaded and inadequate space [30], while the Cypriot economy was opening for the tourist summer season. The checkpoints were opened for a limited number of people, primarily on humanitarian grounds (chronic patients, the enclaved, workers, students), while the rest had to present a negative test of the last 72 hours in order to cross [31], complicating the crossing process. While the county categorization system has been put in place and despite the number cases in north Cyprus remaining extremely low, the status at the checkpoints has remained the same since summer, betraying that the decisions in relation to crossing were, are and remain founded on political, rather than health and safety criteria.+With the retraction of the lock-down at the end of May, the government declared scabies as a dangerous infectious disease, with the aim of continuing the enclosure of Pournara [29], locking migrants and refugees inside an unhealthy, overloaded and inadequate space [30], while the Cypriot economy was opening for the tourist summer season. The checkpoints were opened for a limited number of people, primarily on humanitarian grounds (chronic patients, the enclaved, workers, students), while the rest had to present a negative test of the last 72 hours in order to cross [31], complicating the crossing process. While the country categorization system has been put in place and despite the number cases in north Cyprus remaining extremely low, the status at the checkpoints has remained the same since summer, betraying that the decisions in relation to crossing were, are and remain founded on political, rather than health and safety criteria.
  
 The first meaningful mobilization after the retraction of the lock-down took place in June, through the march against the ongoing enclosure of migrants and refugees at Pournara that was organized by the left and anti-authoritarian scene. The march assembled around 600 people under conditions of state intimidation, as the protest was considered and confronted as illegal, with the police imposing on protestors charges and fines [33]. It is important to note here that Pournara is not a prison (in contrast to Menogeia), but a temporary reception centre for asylum seekers, who have the right to freely move outside the area and in which they are supposed to stay only for a few days [32]. While Pournara was subsequently opened in July (only to be locked again, alongside other refugee camps, through the decrees of November [34]), the abysmal living conditions and the permanent presence of armed police, which intervene with any reaction by the refugees, continue without any changes. The first meaningful mobilization after the retraction of the lock-down took place in June, through the march against the ongoing enclosure of migrants and refugees at Pournara that was organized by the left and anti-authoritarian scene. The march assembled around 600 people under conditions of state intimidation, as the protest was considered and confronted as illegal, with the police imposing on protestors charges and fines [33]. It is important to note here that Pournara is not a prison (in contrast to Menogeia), but a temporary reception centre for asylum seekers, who have the right to freely move outside the area and in which they are supposed to stay only for a few days [32]. While Pournara was subsequently opened in July (only to be locked again, alongside other refugee camps, through the decrees of November [34]), the abysmal living conditions and the permanent presence of armed police, which intervene with any reaction by the refugees, continue without any changes.
en/digital/unclassified/covid19_roc1.txt · Last modified: 2022/11/29 10:33 by no_name12

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